Wow! eBook
Hezbollah: A Short History | Updated and Expanded Third Edition
Author(s): Augustus Richard Norton (Author)
- Publisher: Princeton Univers. Press
- Publication Date: 4 Sept. 2018
- Edition: Third
- Language: English
- Print length: 272 pages
- ISBN-10: 0691180881
- ISBN-13: 9780691180885
Book Description
Editorial Reviews
Review
"A clear, concise history of Hezbollah with specific reference to its relevant sociopolitical context. Piquant anecdotes and richly textured details make the book enjoyable reading."
---Kristian P. Alexander, Middle East Policy Council"A dedicated researcher and writer, Norton has contacts all across Lebanon who are both his friends and informants. He writes with the same fluency about Shi'a religious customs as he does about Lebanese politics. The book comes with advance praise from scholars who tell us Norton has written an accessible and balanced account of a movement poorly understood by many in the United States who too often view the Middle East through the 'terrorist' lens."
---Donna Robinson Divine, Democratiya"A good, concise survey by a perceptive student of the Lebanese Shia."
---David Gardner, Financial Times"Augustus Richard Norton, an American academic and former U.S. army officer, has studied that Islamic fundamentalist organization since its formation. And now, in
Hezbollah . . . he offers a cogent analysis of its emergence and impact on Lebanese politics."---Sheldon Kirsher, Canadian Jewish News"Augustus Richard Norton's timely
Hezbollah chronicles [a] dramatic evolution and its sweeping implications for the region and beyond. His lucid primer is the first serious reappraisal of the radical Shiite group since [the 2006] war shattered six years of relative calm on one of the world's most volatile frontiers."---Jonathan Finer, Washington Post Book World"Few scholars are as qualified to situate Hezbollah in local, regional, and socio-religious contexts as Augustus Richard Norton."
---Joel Gordon, Journal of Military History"How do you classify and develop policy toward an organization that has committed acts of terrorism in the past, that currently provides important social services . . . that defends its country from occupation . . . that plays by the rules in official Lebanese national politics? . . . Norton elucidates these domestic and international complexities in
Hezbollah: A Short History. . . With other similarly complex organizations on the rise, such as Hamas in Palestine, Norton provides a model of how we might begin to think through their multidimensional, seemingly contradictory natures."---Allen McDuffee, In These Times"In an easily read, easily comprehended book, Norton traces the origins and history of Hezbollah.... The twisting allegiances of the players, the role of Syria and other neighboring states, the emergence of discord and sectarianism as the young movement matured and began to intrude on the elected government, all take place in the pressure cooker of a land and people long torn, used by factions for their own purposes."
---Suzi Brozman, Atlanta Jewish Times"In his new book
Hezbollah, Augustus Richard Norton . . . provides a succinct account of the group's rise from the chaos created by Israel's invasions and occupation of Lebanon in the late 1970s and early 1980s, which ended only in 2000. Mr. Norton also explores the origins and political orientation of the group, now led by the Shiite cleric Hasan Nasrallah, in a complex web of religious and political identities in Lebanon--with a special emphasis on the role of Shia Islam in the organization."---Richard Byrne, Chronicle of Higher Education"In this highly informative, jargon-free book, Norton, one of America's top experts in Lebanese politics, provides an objective account of the genesis and development of Hezbollah, explaining its central role in contemporary Lebanon."-- "Choice"
"In this remarkably thorough, articulate portrait of Hezbollah, Norton . . . analyzes how the organization was formed, how it evolved and its current role in Lebanese politics."-- "Publishers Weekly"
"Norton, who has been studying Lebanon, and especially the Lebanese Shiites, for longer than Hezbollah has been in existence . . . offers here a brisk and balanced history . . . of Hezbollah while situating the party in the larger Lebanese and regional contexts."
---L. Carl Brown, Foreign Affairs"Norton's work is essential for those more concerned with an approach that rejects the rhetoric of the 'war on terror.' His historical and social analysis of Hezbollah's origin and subsequent evolution into its current manifestation is as objective an analysis as one can hope for--not to mention timely and fascinating."
---Michael Teague, Al Jadid Magazine"The best recent study of Hezbollah."
---Fareed Zakaria, Newsweek"The book is a dynamic and multifaceted account. . . . Overall, Norton's book balances international political factors with the local and regional conditions that shaped the outlook and activities of Hezbollah. Norton deserves praise for writing an insightful and multilayered work accessible to a wide and often uninformed readership."
---Rula Abisaab, Journal of Palestine Studies"The book is a must read for anyone wanting to have an idea of the Lebanese puzzle and the role played in it by one of the most interesting political actors emerging in the Middle East."-- "International Spectator"
"The many complex and often changing dimensions of Hezbollah are presented in the book in a clear, concise manner that allows for a more accurate and complete understanding of what the group represents and aspires to achieve. . . . Wherever one may stand on this spectrum of views, a vital starting point--offered in this small but rich volume--is an accurate, comprehensive view of why Hizbullah has succeeded as a political party, a sectarian representational group, a social services agency, and a resistance force, and why it continues to generate so much opposition at the same time."
---Rami G. Khouri, Daily Star"The most fluent survey of Hezbollah to date. This extremely accessible yet scholarly read covers the Lebanese resistance group from its inception to the current Lebanese political crisis, aided by a collection of poignant photographs and maps."
---Margeret Hall, Washington Report on Middle East Affairs"This excellent short history of Hezbollah . . . demonstrates that dismissing it as a 'terrorist organization' is both glib and dishonest. . . . . Everyone who wants to understand the complexities of the Middle East, and particularly those of Lebanon and Israel, and wants to reach the truth beyond the political rhetoric, should read this book."
---Bruce Elder, Sydney Morning Herald"This short, authoritative book, based on first-hand experience, efficiently analyses [Hezbollah's] status."
---Iain Finlayson, The TimesFrom the Back Cover
"Hezbollah is a timely and landmark work. Richard Norton draws on his extensive expertise to offer a comprehensive history that will be of interest to anyone who seeks a better understanding of Hezbollah, Lebanon, or current developments in the Middle East."--Lee Hamilton, Vice Chair of the 9/11 Commission and Co-Chair of the Iraq Study Group
"One of the most remarkable developments in the Middle East in recent years is Hezbollah's meteoric rise to power. No one can better explain the broad implications of this phenomenon than Richard Norton. Drawing on his vast knowledge of Lebanon, Norton has written a timely and readable primer that lucidly explains the intricacies of Hezbollah's ideology and history and demystifies its political strategy."--Vali Nasr, author of The Shia Revival: How Conflicts within Islam Will Shape the Future
"Norton is uniquely positioned to provide an analysis of Hezbollah, one that is historical, nuanced, and informed by more than twenty-five years of experience as a researcher and policy advisor on Lebanon. He is one of the foremost American experts on Hezbollah and Shi'i politics in Lebanon. In addition, Norton's writing is always clear and accessible. This concise and accurate primer will be invaluable to general readers, reporters, and scholars."--Lara Deeb, author of An Enchanted Modern: Gender and Public Piety in Shi'i Lebanon
"I recommend this book with greatest enthusiasm. Norton is one of the premier--if not the premier--American authorities on Shi'i politics in Lebanon. Add to this the fact that he is a talented writer who can communicate complex ideas in a fluent, engaging, and accessible fashion. Telling quotes and anecdotes enliven the book and ground it. Norton is the rare academic whose expertise doesn't prevent him from communicating well with a general reader."--Eva Bellin, Hunter College, City University of New York
"This short, authoritative book, based on first-hand experience, efficiently analyses [Hezbollah's] status."--Roger MacGinty,International Affairs
"This excellent short history of Hezbollah . . . demonstrates that dismissing it as a ‘terrorist organization' is both glib and dishonest. . . . . Everyone who wants to understand the complexities of the Middle East, and particularly those of Lebanon and Israel, and wants to reach the truth beyond the political rhetoric, should read this book."--Jørgen Jensehaugen,Journal of Peace Research
"The many complex and often changing dimensions of Hezbollah are presented in the book in a clear, concise manner." --Rami G. Khouri, Daily Star
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Hezbollah
A Short History
By Augustus Richard Norton
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS
Copyright © 2018 Princeton University Press
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-691-18088-5
Contents
Prologue to the Third Edition, xi,
Prologue, xxi,
Chapter 1 Origins and Prehistory of Hezbollah, 1,
The Rise of Shi'i Politics from the Mid-twentieth Century to the Lebanese Civil War, 5,
The Role of Musa al-Sadr, 8,
The Resurgence of Amal, 12,
Chapter 2 The Founding of Hezbollah, 17,
The Iraq Connection, 19,
The 1982 Israeli Invasion, 21,
Hezbollah Emerges, 23,
The Hezbollah Worldview, 24,
Implementing the Design, 30,
Chapter 3 Being a Shi'i Muslim in the Twenty-first Century, 36,
Ritual and Identity, 39,
The Intersection of Ritual and Politics, 47,
Chapter 4 Resistance, Terrorism, and Violence in Lebanon, 58,
Hezbollah and Terrorism, 63,
Occupation in Southern Lebanon, 67,
The "Rules of the Game", 72,
The 2000 Israeli Withdrawal, 77,
Chapter 5 Playing Politics, 83,
Hezbollah's Decision to Participate, 86,
Municipal Elections, 90,
The Revolt of the Hungry, 93,
The Rich Texture of Shi'i Institutions, 94,
Chapter 6 From Celebration to War, 100,
The Changing Social Tapestry in Post–Civil War Lebanon, 106,
Lebanon's Love-Hate Relationship with Rafiq al-Hariri, and His Assassination, 110,
Setting the Stage for War, 118,
The Start of Hostilities, July 2006, 121,
Prosecuting the War, 123,
Postwar Reactions, 129,
Hezbollah in a Fractured Postwar Lebanon, 134,
Chapter 7 Acclaim Gives Way to Enmity, 141,
2009 Parliamentary Elections, 151,
A Change of Tone and a Tweaking of Ideology, 154,
Worsening Relations with Egypt, 156,
The Special Tribunal for Lebanon–and Lebanese-Syrian Relations, 157,
Widening Rifts within Lebanon, 167,
International Ostracism of Hezbollah, 172,
Sunni-Shi'i Tensions, 175,
Chapter 8 Hezbollah's Syrian Entanglement, 178,
Conclusion, 197,
U.S.-Iran Conflict?, 197,
A Bizarre Resignation, 199,
The Astana Process and the Overlapping Interests of Iran and Turkey, 202,
The Dismantling of the ISIS Caliphate, 204,
Lebanon's Problematic Economic Picture, 204,
Another Israel-Hezbollah War?, 209,
Navigating Hostile Seas, 210,
Glossary, 213,
Additional Reading, 215,
Sources Cited, 221,
Index, 227,
Acknowledgments, 249,
CHAPTER 1
Origins and Prehistory of Hezbollah
The modern state of Lebanon won its independence from France in 1943. The defining compromise of Lebanese politics was the mithaq al-watani or national pact, an unwritten understanding between the dominant political communities of the day — the Sunni Muslims and the Maronite Christians — that would provide the terms of reference for Lebanon's independence. In the 1920s the French, exploiting their League of Nations mandates in Lebanon and Syria, carved out generous chunks of Syria to create a viable "Greater Lebanon," thereby thwarting the Arab nationalist dream of an independent state in Damascus. For the Sunnis, the acceptance of an independent state ended the hope of reuniting Lebanon with Syria. Although the Sunnis, many of them merchants, dominated the new republic's coastal cities, their history was in the Syrian capital of Damascus. The Maronites, long the favored ally of French power and influence in the region, now had to concede that Lebanon was not an appendage of Europe but instead an Arab state. Neither Sunnis nor Christians spoke with a single voice, however, and dissent flourished.
The political system that emerged from the national pact was formalized into a system of sectarian communities, or confessions. Each of the country's recognized sects was accorded political privilege — including senior appointments in the bureaucracy, membership in parliament, and positions in high political office — roughly proportionate to the community's size. This process was always rather inexact except for the highest political positions, which were awarded to the Maronites, Sunnis, and Shi'a. Thus, the Maronites, considered the plurality, were accorded the presidency, which carried preeminent prerogatives and powers, and the second largest community, the Sunnis, won the premiership, decidedly second fiddle to the presidency. The Shi'i community, third largest, was awarded the speakership of the parliament, a position with far weaker constitutional powers than either the presidency or the premiership. The provenance of this allocation of power was a 1932 census of dubious reliability and, in fact, the last official census ever conducted in Lebanon. The data were sound estimates at best. The imbalance of power between the "three presidents" was rectified significantly by political reforms in 1989 in an agreement that provided the framework for ending the civil war of 1975–1990, which claimed about 150,000 lives.
The Shi'i community, in any case, could yield little influence over the political system at the time, as it was impoverished and underdeveloped (Norton 1987, 16–23). Asmall community of Shi'a lived in and around Beirut, but the overwhelming mass lived in southern Lebanon and in the northern Beqaa valley. Of course, the historical context for the impoverishment of all the Arab Shi'i communities (found, notably, in Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, and Saudi Arabia) derives from the fact that the dominant Arab Sunnis often despised the Shi'a for deviating from the path of Sunni Islam. Over the course of the Ottoman Empire, which ruled Lebanon and Syria more or less effectively for more than four hundred years, the Shi'a were suspected of being a stalking horse for Persia, notwithstanding the venerable origins of Arab Shi'ism, which, in fact, long predates the introduction of Shi'ism in Persia in the sixteenth century. Indeed, the central contention between Shi'i and Sunni Muslims to this day goes back to the validity of the claim made by the partisans of 'Ali, the husband of the Prophet Muhammad's daughter, Fatimah, that he should succeed Muhammad upon the prophet's death.
A conjuncture of social facts, regional conflicts, and domestic policies shaped the politicization of the Lebanese Shi'a in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. The rate of this community's natural increase outpaced all others in Lebanon, as the average Shi'i family had nine members in the early 1970s, whereas the average Christian household had only six. Although fertility among Sunni women was also higher than among the Christians, Shi'i women bore an average of one more child than their fellow Muslims (Chamie 1981, 44). Families of a dozen or more children are not uncommon among the Shi'a, and as mobility improved in the first decades of Lebanese independence, tens of thousands migrated from the hinterlands to Beirut and abroad.
The hardscrabble Shi'i farmers cultivated the hills and valleys of the South and the Beqaa plateau, but most could not subsist on what they earned selling tobacco to the state monopoly or growing vegetables and fruits. Even those who owned land rather than working as sharecroppers often struggled to eke out a living from farming. The state was of little help, providing piddling sums for rural development, a pattern that persists. In the northern Beqaa and the Hirmil region, where the influence of the state was especially weak, poppies and hashish became valuable cash crops. In many Shi'i villages, several...
