Machiavelli: The Chief Works and Others

Volume Three

By Allan H. Gilbert

Duke University Press

Copyright © 1989 Allan H. Gilbert
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-8223-0947-5

Contents

ILLUSTRATIONS,
TEXTS USED IN TRANSLATING,
VOLUME THREE,
THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE,
PREFACE,
BOOK ONE: [FROM THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE TO 1434],
BOOK TWO: [THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF FLORENCE, TO 1353],
BOOK THREE: [FLORENCE FROM 1353 TO 1414],
BOOK FOUR: [FLORENTINE AFFAIRS FROM 1414 TO 1434],
BOOK FIVE: [THE GOVERNMENT OF COSIMO UNTIL THE BATTLE OF ANGHIARI 1434–1440],
BOOK SIX: [THE POWER OF COSIMO DE’MEDICI; FROM DUKE FILIPPO’S EFFORTS FOR PEACE TO THE ABANDONMENT OF NAPLES BY THE ANGEVINS. 1440–1463],
BOOK SEVEN: [LARGELY BUT NOT WHOLLY ON AFFAIRS IN FLORENTINE TERRITORY DURING THE LATTER YEARS OF COSIMO AND THE EARLY YEARS OF LORENZO. 1427–1478],
BOOK EIGHT: [FLORENCE FROM THE PAZZI CONSPIRACY TO THE DEATH OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT. 1478–1492],
THE NATURES OF FLORENTINE MEN,
PIERO DI GINO CAPPONI,
ANTONIO GIACOMINI WHEN HE WAS CHOSEN COMMISSIONER FOR THE FIRST DEVASTATION,
OF MESSER COSIMO DE’PAZZI AND MESSER FRANCESCO PEPI, MADE AMBASSADORS TO THE EMPEROR,
OF FRANCESCO VALORI,
WORDS TO BE SPOKEN ON THE LAW FOR APPROPRIATING MONEY, AFTER GIVING A LITTLE INTRODUCTION AND EXCUSE,
THE DECENNALI,
FIRST DECENNALE,
SECOND DECENNALE,
EPIGRAMS,

CHAPTER 1

THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE

List of Books

[DEDICATION TO POPE CLEMENT VII]

[PREFACE]

1. [FROM THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE TO 1434]

2. [THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF FLORENCE, TO 1353]

3. [FLORENCE FROM 1353 TO 1414]

4. [FLORENTINE AFFAIRS FROM 1414 TO 1434]

5. [THE GOVERNMENT OF COSIMO UNTIL THE BATTLE OF ANGHIARI. 1434-1440.]

6. [THE POWER OF COSIMO DE’MEDICI; FROM DUKE FILIPPO’S EFFORTS FOR PEACE TO THE ABANDONMENT OF NAPLES BY THE ANGEVINS. 1440-1463.]

7. [LARGELY BUT NOT WHOLLY ON AFFAIRS IN FLORENTINE TERRITORY DURING THE LATTER YEARS OF COSIMO AND THE EARLY YEARS OF LORENZO. 1427-1478.]

8. [FLORENCE FROM THE PAZZI CONSPIRACY TO THE DEATH OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT. 1478-1492.]

[Late in the year 1520 Machiavelli received from Pope Leo X (Giovanni de’Medici) a commission to write the History of Florence. Eight books were presented to Pope Clement VII in 1525; no others were completed.

Machiavelli announces dissatisfaction with the historians of Florence accessible to him, in that they dealt inadequately with the internal affairs of the city, though they were satisfactory for external matters, such as warfare. From his own attempt to treat those internal affairs, however, he allowed himself to be turned aside, partly through his interest in the Sforza wars in Lombardy, partly because all Italian activities were of import for his city. Moreover, Machiavelli did not spend his life in archives. But an archival attempt would have demanded that he be ahead of his age, and would have occupied time far longer than the four years and a half he gave to the History. What could one man hope to do with the uncalendared records of the city of Florence? The latter part of his work and the notes for its continuation do indicate documentary study. Yet part of the History is only a compilation, not to be used, as historians did until an astonishingly recent time, as a source for facts. Still there is in it truth enough to serve as a basis for Machiavelli’s observations on man as a political animal.

One of the chief of these is that government exists for the common good. To forgetfulness of this truism is to be charged the long list of Florentine troubles, where political changes were made for the benefit of a party, not for that of the city as a whole. The city was continually torn by divisions, not united for the happiness of the citizens. On this internal strife Machiavelli often remarks, handling his material to emphasize it. For example, the story of Michele di Lando, not for the most part unreliable in fact, is that of a man who in his unselfish virtue thought of the city as a whole, and for his patriotism suffered ingratitude inspired by party spirit.

Avowedly fictitious are the frequent orations in the Thucydidean manner of the Florentine historians before Machiavelli. These are developed beyond dramatic requirements into expositions of social and political truths suggested by Florentine events. Incidentally, these orations enabled Machiavelli to deal with the problem of the Medici. They were de facto rulers of Florence, and her only possible rulers. For a wise patriot the clear path was to accept them, hoping for a better future. So Machiavelli did. He writes of the family up to the death of Lorenzo, where his history ends, with a frankness that shows his courage or his knowledge of the good sense of the living Medici. Yet one of his friends, Donato Giannotti, reports that Niccolò often said to him:

I cannot write this history from the time when Cosimo took over the government up to the death of Lorenzo just as I would write it if I were free from all reasons for caution. The actions will be true, and I shall not omit anything; merely I shall leave out discussing the universal causes of the events. For instance, I shall relate the events and the circumstances that came about when Cosimo took over the government; I shall leave untouched any discussion of the way and of the means and tricks with which one attains such power; and if anyone nevertheless wants to understand Cosimo, let him observe well what I shall have his opponents say, because what I am not willing to say as coming from myself, I shall have his opponents say.

Yet even in such speeches, Machiavelli sometimes substituted for his first draft softer second thoughts. For example, a speech by Rinaldo degli Albizzi is changed from direct to indirect discourse, and the following is bolder than the final form:

Union and prosperity are impossible while Cosimo de’Medici lives in this city, because his way of living surpasses what is proper for a citizen; his excessive wealth makes him bold; with it he has bribed all the heads of the common people and many other citizens, in such a way that in all the councils and magistracies of the city he can do what he wants to; our soldiers are all his partisans, because he employs whom he likes, whom he likes he gets rid of. … He lacks nothing of being prince but the title. It is the duty therefore of a good citizen to find a remedy for this, to call the people to the Public Square, and to take over the government, in order to restore to the republic her liberty. [Cf. bk. 4, chap. 28.]

That even a weakened form of this stood in the manuscript put in the hands of Giulio de’Medici, Pope Clement VII, is astonishing enough, a tribute to Machiavelli’s desire to write a history that would inspire all lovers of the common good of man in whatever age or nation.]

THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE

TO THE MOST HOLY AND BLESSED FATHER OUR RULER CLEMENT VII, HIS HUMBLE SERVANT NICCOLÒ MACHIAVELLI

Since Your Holiness, Most Blessed and Most Holy Father, when you were still occupying a lower position, charged me to write out what has been done by the Florentine people, I have used all the industry and skill given me by nature and bestowed on me by experience to satisfy you. And since, in writing, I have come to those times which, through the death of the Magnificent Lorenzo de’ Medici, changed Italy’s condition, and since the events occurring afterward have been loftier and greater, and must be set forth with a loftier and greater spirit, I have thought it well that all I have written up to those times should be assembled in one volume and presented to Your Most Blessed Holiness, in order that in some measure you may now enjoy the fruits of your seeds and my toils.

As you read then, Your Holiness will first see, beginning with the time when the Roman Empire lost her power in the West, with how many disasters and under how many princes Italy for centuries suffered change in her governments; you will see that the Papacy, the Venetians, the Kingdom of Naples, and the Duchy of Milan took the first places and the chief authority in the land; you will see that your native city, withdrawing as a result of internal division from her allegiance to the Emperors, continued to be divided until her government came under the protection of your house. And because Your Blessed Holiness especially charged and required me to write in such a way of the things done by your ancestors that I should be far from all flattery (because however much it pleases you to hear men’s true praises, to the same extent fictitious praises and those described with special favor displease you), I greatly fear lest, as I describe the probity of Giovanni, the wisdom of Cosimo, the kindness of Piero, and the high-mindedness and prudence of Lorenzo, I may seem to Your Holiness to be disobeying your orders. Of that transgression I clear myself before you and before anybody whom such descriptions displease as inaccurate, because finding how full of their praises were the accounts of those who at various times have written of them, I was obliged either to write of them just what I found or, as hostile, to be silent about them. And if underneath their excellent works was concealed any ambition which, as some say, was opposed to the common good, I who do not recognize it in them am not obliged to write of it; indeed in all my narratives I have never permitted a dishonorable deed to be defended with an honorable reason nor a praiseworthy deed, as though done for an opposite purpose, to be blackened.

But how far I am from flattery can be observed in all the parts of my history, and especially in the public speeches and private conversations, both quoted and reported, which in their ideas and arrangement preserve what is fitting to the temperament of the person who speaks without any reservation. Yet I avoid, in all places, offensive terms, as unnecessary to the dignity and truth of history. So nobody who rightly examines my writings can rebuke me as a flatterer, especially when he sees that I have said little on the achievement of Your Holiness’ father. The cause of this was his short life, in which he had no opportunity to make himself known, nor have I with my writings been able to make him glorious. Nevertheless great and splendid enough were his deeds, since he begot Your Holiness—an act that far outweighs all those of his ancestors and will give him more ages of fame than the malice of Fortune took from him years of life. I have then striven, Most Holy and Blessed Father, in these writings of mine, without defacing the truth, to satisfy everybody; and perhaps I have not satisfied anybody, and if this should be so, I shall not be astonished by it, because I judge it impossible, without angering many, to write on the affairs of their own times. Nevertheless, I come cheerfully into the field, hoping that, as by the kindness of Your Holiness I am honored and supported, so by the armed legions of your most sacred judgment I shall be aided and protected; and with the same spirit and confidence in which I have written up to now, I am going to continue my undertaking, if life does not desert me and Your Holiness does not forsake me.

PREFACE

It was my purpose, when I first decided to write of the things done at home and abroad by the Florentine people, to begin my narrative with the year of the Christian era 1434, the date when the Medici family, through the abilities and laudable deeds of Cosimo and Giovanni his father gained more power than any other in Florence, because I considered that Messer Lionardo d’Arezzo and Messer Poggio, two very good historians, had told in detail all the things that happened before that time. But later carefully reading their works, in order to see with what ruling ideas and methods they carry on their writing, so that, by imitating them, I might make my history more acceptable to readers, I found that in description of the wars fought by the Florentines with foreign princes and peoples they are very careful, but as to civil strife and internal hostilities, and the effects these have produced, about one part of them they are wholly silent, and the other part they describe so briefly that their readers can get no profit or pleasure. The cause of their doing so is either that they considered these affairs so paltry as to be unworthy of preservation in writing, or that they feared to offend the descendants of those whom, in such narratives, they would have to calumniate. These two causes (with all respect to them) appear to me wholly unworthy of great men, because if anything in history delights or teaches, it is what is presented in full detail. If any reading is useful to citizens who govern republics, it is that which shows the causes of the hatreds and factional struggles within the city, in order that such citizens having grown wise through the sufferings of others, can keep themselves united.

If the experiences of any republic are moving, those of a man’s own city, when he reads about them, are much more moving and more useful; and if in any republic internal dissensions were ever worth noting, in that of Florence they are especially noteworthy, because most of the other republics of which there is any record have been content with one sort of factional struggle, with which, according as it has happened, they have sometimes expanded, sometimes ruined their cities. But Florence, not content with one sort of factional quarrel, has had many. In Rome, as everybody knows, after the kings were driven out, there was disunion between the nobles and the people, which continued in the city until her fall. So it did in Athens, and in all the other republics that flourished in those days. But in Florence first there were factions among the nobles, then factional struggles between the nobles and the middle class, finally between the middle class and the masses. Many times it happened that one of these parties, having conquered the others, was itself divided into two factions. From these dissensions resulted as many deaths, as many exiles, as many ruined families as ever were known in any city of which we have record.

Certainly, according to my judgment, nothing shows so well the vigor of our city as does the quality of these dissensions, which had might enough to destroy the greatest and most powerful of cities. Nevertheless ours seemed always to grow stronger. Such was the ability of those citizens and the power of their intelligence and spirit to make themselves and their native city great, that as many as remained superior to so many ills could do more to exalt her with their ability than the evil influence of those events that might have weakened her could do to depress her. And beyond doubt if Florence had had the good fortune, when she freed herself from the Empire, to take a form of government that would have kept her united, I do not know what republic, modern or ancient, would have been superior to her—with such ability in arms and in peaceful arts she would have abounded. She expelled such numbers of the Ghibellines that they filled Tuscany and Lombardy. Yet the Guelfs and those who remained within her walls, when they fought against Arezzo, a year earlier than the battle of Campaldino, raised among the citizens of their party twelve hundred men-at-arms and twelve thousand infantry. Later, in the war fought against Filippo Visconti Duke of Milan, when she had to put to the test her economic ability and not her own arms (which by then had disappeared), we see that in the five years while that war lasted the Florentines spent three million five hundred thousand florins. When that was ended, being discontented with peace, in order to show further the power of their city, they besieged Lucca.

I cannot, therefore, see any reason why these divisions do not deserve to be fully described. And if those very noble writers held back in order not to injure the memory of those whom they were going to discuss, they deceived themselves and showed that they did not understand the ambition of men and the desire they have to perpetuate the names of their ancestors and themselves; these historians did not remember that many who have not had opportunity to gain fame with praiseworthy deeds have striven to gain it with blame worthy actions, nor did they consider that conspicuous actions such as those of government and state, however they are carried on or whatever outcome they have, are always looked upon as bringing their doers honor rather than censure.

These things, when I had considered them, made me change my plan, and I determined to begin my history with the origin of our city. And because it is not my intention to fill the places of others, I shall describe in detail, up to 1434, only the things that happened inside the city, and of those outside I shall say nothing else than what is necessary for understanding of those inside. Then, when I have passed the year 1434, I shall write in detail of both sorts. Besides this, in order that this History may at all times be better understood, before I deal with Florence I shall describe by what means Italy came under those powers which at that time ruled her. All these things, both Italian and Florentine, will be completed in four books. The first will tell in brief all the events that happened in Italy from the decline of the Roman Empire to 1434; the second will carry its narrative from the origin of the city of Florence to the war that, after the expulsion of the Duke of Athens, was fought against the Pope; the third will end in the year 1414, with the death of King Ladislas of Naples; and with the fourth I shall come to the year 1434. From that time on, I shall present, with many details, the things that happened in Florence and outside, up to our present times.

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Machiavelli: The Chief Works and Others

Volume Two

By Allan H. Gilbert

Duke University Press

Copyright © 1989 Allan H. Gilbert
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-8223-0946-8

Contents

Illustrations,
Texts Used in Translating,
Volume Two,
The Life of Castruccio Castracani of Lucca, Written By NiccolÒ Machiavelli and Sent to Zanobi Buondelmonti and Luigi Alamanni, His Very Dear Friends,
The Art of War,
List of Books,
The Art of War,
Preface By NiccolÒ Machiavelli, Florentine Secretary and Citizen, For The Book of The Art of War, to Lorenzo Dl Filippo Strozzi, Florentine Patrician,
The Account of a Visit Made To Fortify Florence: a Letter To The Ambassador of The Republic in Rome,
Tercets on Ambition,
Tercets on Ingratitude or Envy,
Tercets on Fortune,
The [Golden] Ass,
Machiavelli’s Comedies: Mandragola and Clizia,
Mandragola,
Clizia,
Articles For a Pleasure Company,
Belfagor: The Devil Who Married,
Carnival Songs,
Familiar Letters,
A Sonnet to Messer Bernardo His Father on The Farm at San Casciano,
Two Sonnets to Giuliano, Son of Lorenzo De’Medici,
A Third Sonnet to Giuliano, Son of Lorenzo De’Medici,
Serenade,

CHAPTER 1

THE LIFE OF CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANI OF LUCCA, WRITTEN BY NICCOLÒ MACHIAVELLI AND SENT TO ZANOBI BUONDELMONTI AND LUIGI ALAMANNI, HIS VERY DEAR FRIENDS

[Written during a visit to Lucca in 1520.

The narrative is founded on fact but is essentially a work of fiction; no detail is to be taken as true without verification. Important is the interest in military affairs, suggesting passages in The Art Of War, published in 1521. Other passages are akin to parts of The Prince, for Castruccio knew how to gain and hold power. Undisturbed in his admiration by Castruccio’s hostility to Florence, Machiavelli nevertheless does not present him as a man who might early have united Italy. In his last speech, Castruccio reviews the difficulties of attempting to unite even part of Tuscany under one government; had he heen content with Lucca and Pisa only, his dominions would have been more secure. The work has as a unifying idea the power of Fortune. Castruccio was aided by her; yet on the other hand even Virtue could not free him from her power; she gave him neither the judgment to recognize the best course nor the long life needed to carry out his ambitious though mistaken plans.]

[The Power of Fortune]

Those who consider it, my dearest Zanobi and Luigi, think it wonderful that all, or the larger part, of those who in this world have done very great things, and who have been excellent among the men of their era, have in their birth and origin been humble and obscure, or at least have been beyond all measure afflicted by Fortune. Because all of them either have been exposed to wild beasts or have had fathers so humble that, being ashamed of them, they have made themselves out sons of Jove or of some other god. Who these are, since many of them are known to everybody, would be boring to repeat and little acceptable to readers; hence, as superfluous, I omit it. I well believe that this comes about because Fortune, wishing to show the world that she—and not Prudence—makes men great, first shows her forces at a time when Prudence can have no share in the matter, but rather everything must be recognized as coming from herself.

[Castruccio an example]

So then, Castruccio Castracani of Lucca was one of those who, according to the times in which he lived and the city where he was born, did very great things—and like the others, did not have a more fortunate or better-known beginning—as will be plain in my narration of the course of his life. I have chosen to bring him back to the recollection of men, since I have found in his life many things, both as to ability and as to Fortune, that are very striking. And I have chosen to address it to you, as to those who, more than other men I know, delight in noble acts.

[The Castracani family]

I say, then, that the Castracani family is counted among the noble families of the city of Lucca, although in these times, according to the way of all mundane things, it has disappeared. Into this family long ago was born a son named Antonio, who, becoming a priest, was Canon of St. Michael of Lucca, and as a mark of respect was called Messer Antonio. He had no near relatives except one sister, whom he early married to Buonaccorso Cennami, but after Buonaccorso was dead and she was left a widow, she came to live with her brother, intending not to marry again.

[The finding of the infant Castruccio]

Messer Antonio had behind his house a vineyard, into which, because it was bordered by many gardens, it was possible to enter from many directions and without much trouble. It happened one morning soon after sunrise when Madonna Dianora (for that was the name of Messer Antonio’s sister) was walking about in the vineyard and, according to the custom of women, gathering certain herbs with which to make seasonings, she heard a rustling under a vine among the foliage, and turning her eyes toward it, heard a sound like weeping. So, moving toward it, she saw the hands and face, surrounded by the leaves, of a baby boy who seemed to ask for help. Partly astonished, partly frightened, full of compassion and amazement, she took him up and, carrying him to the house and washing him and wrapping him up in white cloths according to custom, presented him to Messer Antonio on his return home. He, hearing what had happened and seeing the little boy, was not less filled with wonder and pity than was the woman, and after considering between themselves what plan they ought to adopt, they determined to bring him up, since Antonio was a priest and his sister had no children. Taking a nurse into the house, then, they took care of him with the same love as though he were their own son. And having had him baptized, in memory of their father they gave him the name of Castruccio.

[Castruccio a natural soldier]

In Castruccio charm increased with the years, and in everything he showed ability and prudence, and quickly, according to his age, he learned the things to which he was directed by Messer Antonio, who, intending to make him a priest and in time to turn over to him his canonry and other benefices, according to that purpose taught him. But he had found a subject wholly alien to the priestly character, for as soon as Castruccio reached the age of fourteen and began to get a little courage in respect to Messer Antonio and not to fear Madonna Dianora at all, laying churchly books aside, he began to busy himself with weapons; he took delight in nothing else than in handling them or, with his companions, in running, jumping, wrestling and similar sports, in which he showed the utmost strength and far surpassed all others of his age. If he did read at any time, no other reading pleased him than that which dealt with war or with things done by the greatest men. On account of this, Messer Antonio suffered immeasurable unhappiness and distress.

[Francesco Guinigi adopts Castruccio]

There was in the city of Lucca a gentleman of the Guinigi family named Messer Francesco, who in riches and affability and vigor far exceeded all the other Lucchese. His business was war, and under the Visconti of Milan he had long been campaigning; and since he was a Ghibelline, he was esteemed above all the others who belonged to that party in Lucca. Being in Lucca and talking every evening and morning with the other citizens under the Loggia of the Podesta, at the head of the Public Square of St. Michael, the chief square in Lucca, this man many times saw Castruccio with the other boys of the neighborhood in those exercises which, as I say above, he practiced. And since it seemed to him that, in addition to outdoing them, he had over them a kingly authority, and that they in a certain way loved him and respected him, he became very eager to know about his situation. Being informed about it by the bystanders, Messer Francesco burned with greater desire to have him in his service, and one day calling the boy, he asked him where he would prefer to live, in the house of a gentleman who would teach him to ride and to handle arms, or in the house of a priest where he would never hear anything other than holy offices and masses. At once Messer Francesco realized how happy Castruccio was when he heard mention of horses and arms. At any rate, after a little bashful hesitation, being encouraged by Messer Francesco to speak, he replied that if it pleased his sire, he could have no greater pleasure than to leave the studies of a priest and take up those of a soldier. To Messer Francesco this reply was very pleasing, and in just a few days he so managed that Messer Antonio gave the boy over to him; to which he was driven more by Castruccio’s nature than by anything else, judging that he could not long retain him as he had been.

[Castruccio’s accomplishments]

So Castruccio was transferred from the house of Messer Antonio Castracani the canon into the house of Messer Francesco Guinigi the general; it is an extraordinary thing to contemplate in what a very short time after that change he fully possessed all those capabilities and habits that are expected of a true gentleman. First of all, he made himself an excellent rider, managing even the most fiery horse with the greatest skill; and in jousts and tournaments, though he was a mere boy, he was more notable than anybody else, so that in every feat, whether of strength or skill, no man could be found who surpassed him. To this should be added his manners, in which was seen a modesty beyond belief, because he was never seen to do a deed or heard to speak a word that was displeasing. And he was respectful to his elders, modest with his equals, and gracious with his inferiors; these things made him loved not merely by all the Guinigi family but by all the city of Lucca.

[Castruccio’s first campaign]

It happened in those days, Castruccio being then eighteen years old, that Guelfs drove the Ghibellines out of Pavia; to the aid of the latter the Visconti of Milan sent Messer Francesco Guinigi, with whom went Castruccio, as the one who had the responsibility for his whole company. In this expedition, Castruccio showed so many signs of his prudence and courage that no one in that campaign gained such favor with everybody as he carried off. And not merely in Pavia but in all Lombardy his name became great and honored.

[He is envied in Lucca]

Returning then to Lucca, much more esteemed than on his departure, Castruccio did not fail to make friends as much as he could, practicing all the methods necessary for gaining men’s friendship. Messer Francesco Guinigi, dying and leaving a son thirteen years old, named Pagolo, left Castruccio as guardian and administrator of his goods, for before his death he sent for him and begged him to consent to bring up his son with the same devotion as Castruccio himself had been brought up, and asked that those indications of gratitude which he had been unable to show to the father he would show to the son. So Messer Francesco being dead, Castruccio, as director and guardian of Pagolo, increased so much in reputation and power that the good will he was accustomed to have in Lucca changed in part into envy; hence many slandered him as a man to be feared and of a tyrannical spirit. Among these the chief was Messer Giorgio degli Opizi, head of the Guelf party. Since this man hoped that on Messer Francesco’s death he would be left as it were prince of Lucca, he feared that Castruccio, who was in that position through the favor that his qualities gave him, had taken away his own opportunity; therefore he kept spreading gossip that would put Castruccio out of favor. The latter first felt anger at this, to which fear was soon added, because he believed that Messer Giorgio would never rest until he had brought him into disfavor with the vicar of King Robert of Naples, who would drive him from Lucca.

[Uguccione della Faggiuola captures Lucca]

Pisa at that time was ruled by Uguccione della Faggiuola of Arezzo, who first had been chosen by the Pisans as their general, and then had made himself their ruler. With Uguccione there were some Lucchese exiles of the Ghibelline party, with whom Castruccio was scheming about bringing them back with Uguccione’s help; and he also made known his plan to his friends inside the city, who could not endure the power of the Opizi. So having made arrangements for what they were going to do, Castruccio cautiously fortified the Onesti tower and filled it with munitions and with a store of food, so that if he had to, he could defend himself in it for some days. When the night came on which he had agreed with Uguccione, he gave the signal to that leader, who had arrived with a large force on the plain between the mountains and Lucca; on seeing the signal, Uguccione came to Saint Peter’s Gate and set fire to the barbican. Castruccio within the wall raised the alarm, calling the people to arms, and mastered the gate on the inside, so that Uguccione and his men, coming in, occupied the city and killed Messer Giorgio with all the members of his family and with many of his friends and supporters, and drove out the chief magistrate; they reorganized the city government as Uguccione desired, with very great damage to the place, because it is reported that more than a hundred families were then driven out of Lucca. Of those who fled, one group went to Florence, another to Pistoia; these cities were ruled by the Guelf party and therefore were hostile to Uguccione and to the Lucchese.

[Florence makes war on Uguccione]

Since the Florentines and the other Guelfs believed that the Ghibelline party in Tuscany had gained too much power, they agreed to restore the exiled Lucchese. And having raised a great army, they came into Val di Nievole and took Montecatini; next they laid siege to Montecarlo, in order to have free passage to Lucca. Meanwhile Uguccione, having assembled many Pisans and Lucchese, and in addition many German cavalry which he had brought from Lombardy, advanced toward the Florentine army; the latter, hearing that the enemy were coming, had left Montecarlo and taken position between Montecatini and Pescia. Uguccione placed himself near Montecarlo about two miles distant from the enemy. For a few days, there were some slight skirmishes between the cavalry of the two armies, because, Uguccione having fallen sick, the Pisans and the Lucchese avoided fighting a battle with the enemy.

[In Uguccione’s absence, Castruccio takes command]

But since Uguccione’s illness grew worse, he withdrew to Montecarlo in order to be cared for and left to Castruccio the care of the army. This caused the overthrow of the Guelfs, because they took courage, since they supposed the hostile army left without a leader. Castruccio realized their belief and for some days attempted to strengthen them in it, making a show of being afraid and not letting anybody leave the fortifications of the camp. On the other hand, the Guelfs, the longer they saw his fear, the more they kept growing arrogant; so every day, drawn up for battle, they presented themselves before Castruccio’s army. He, thinking he had given them enough confidence and having learned their order, determined to fight a battle with them. First with words he gave firmness to the spirit of his soldiers and put before them victory as certain, if they were willing to obey his orders.

[Castruccio’s tactics]

Castruccio had seen that the enemy put all their strongest men in the center of their array and the weaker soldiers on their wings. Therefore he did the opposite, putting on the wings of his army his bravest men and in the center those of less value. Going out of his camp in this order, as soon as he came within sight of the hostile army, which arrogantly, according to its custom, was coming to offer him battle, he ordered the squadrons in the center to go slowly and those on the wings to move rapidly. Hence, when they began close combat with their enemies, the wings alone of both armies were fighting, and the squadrons in the center were standing still, because the soldiers at Castruccio’s center had kept so far back that those at the enemy’s center did not meet them, and so it came about that the strongest of Castruccio’s soldiers were fighting with the weakest of the enemy, and their strongest were standing still, without being able to injure those they had opposite them or to give any aid to their companions. Hence, without much difficulty, both wings of the enemy were put to flight, and those in the center—denuded of their flanking forces, without having had any chance to show their valor—fled. The defeat and the slaughter were great; in that battle more than ten thousand men were killed, with many leaders and great knights of the Guelf party from all Tuscany, and in addition many princes who had come to their aid, such as Piero, King Robert’s brother, Carlo his nephew, and Filippo lord of Taranto. Yet on Castruccio’s side they did not amount to three hundred, among whom died Francesco, Uguccione’s son, a young man and ardent who was killed in the first charge.

(Continues…)Excerpted from Machiavelli: The Chief Works and Others by Allan H. Gilbert. Copyright © 1989 Allan H. Gilbert. Excerpted by permission of Duke University Press.
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